Other observers have been doubtful about the expected benefits, pointing out that every technological advance has been greeted with the inflated expectations that faster transportation and easier communication will beget citizen empowerment and civic renewal. This insight leads to the more cautious assessment that, rather than revolutionizing democratic politics, it would end up being more of the same and reinforcing established political patterns and familiar political elites. Even more sober were those who feared that, far from cultivating social capital, the internet would foster undemocratic tendencies:
The antiwar movement actually consisted of a number of independent interests, often only vaguely allied and contesting each other on many issues, united only in opposition to the Vietnam War. Attracting members from college campuses, middle-class suburbs, labor unions, and government institutions, the movement gained national prominence inpeaked inand remained powerful throughout the duration of the conflict.
Encompassing political, racial, and cultural spheres, the antiwar movement exposed a deep schism within s American society. A small, core peace movement had long existed in the United States, largely based in Quaker and Unitarian beliefs, but failed to gain popular currency until the Cold War era.
Their most visible member was Dr. Benjamin Spock, who joined in after becoming disillusioned with President Kennedy's failure to halt nuclear proliferation. A decidedly middle-class organization, SANE represented the latest incarnation of traditional liberal peace activism.
Their goal was a reduction in nuclear weapons. Unwilling to settle for fewer nuclear weapons, the students desired a wholesale restructuring of American society. Jack London had been a member, as had Upton Sinclair, but the organization had long lain dormant until Michael Harrington, a New York socialist, revived it late in the s as a forum for laborers, African Americans, and intellectuals.
From this meeting materialized what has been called the manifesto of the New Left-the Port Huron Statement. Written by Hayden, the editor of the University of Michigan student newspaper, the page document expressed disillusionment with the military-industrial-academic establishment.
Hayden cited the uncertainty of life in Cold War America and the degradation of African Americans in the South as examples of the failure of liberal ideology and called for a reevaluation of academic acquiescence in what he claimed was a dangerous conspiracy to maintain a sense of apathy among American youth.
Throughout the first years of its existence, SDS focused on domestic concerns. The students, as with other groups of the Old and New Left, actively supported Lyndon Johnson in his campaign against Barry Goldwater.
Following Johnson's victory, they refrained from antiwar rhetoric to avoid alienating the president and possibly endangering the social programs of the Great Society.
Although not yet an antiwar organization, SDS actively participated in the Civil Rights struggle and proved an important link between the two defining causes of the decade. Begun in December by students who had participated in Mississippi's "Freedom Summer," the FSM provided an example of how students could bring about change through organization.
In several skirmishes with University President Clark Kerr, the FSM and its dynamic leader Mario Savio publicized the close ties between academic and military establishments. With the rise of SDS and the FSM, the Old Left peace advocates had discovered a large and vocal body of sympathizers, many of whom had gained experience in dissent through the Civil Rights battles in the South.
By the beginning ofthe antiwar movement base had coalesced on campuses and lacked only a catalyst to bring wider public acceptance to its position. That catalyst appeared early in February, when the U.
The pace of protest immediately quickened; its scope broadened. On 24 March, faculty members at the University of Michigan held a series of "teach-ins," modeled after earlier Civil Rights seminars, that sought to educate large segments of the student population about both the moral and political foundations of U.
The teach-in format spread to campuses around the country and brought faculty members into active antiwar participation.
In March, SDS escalated the scale of dissent to a truly national level, calling for a march on Washington to protest the bombing.
On 17 Aprilbetween 15, and 25, people gathered at the capital, a turnout that surprised even the organizers. Buoyed by the attendance at the Washington march, movement leaders, still mainly students, expanded their methods and gained new allies over the next two years.
Campus editors formed networks to share information on effective protest methods; two of these, the Underground Press Syndicate and the Liberation News Servicebecame productive means of disseminating intelligence.
In springover 1, seminarians from across the country wrote to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara advocating recognition of conscientious objection on secular, moral grounds.
In June, 10, students wrote, suggesting the secretary develop a program of alternative service for those who opposed violence. A two-day march on the Pentagon in October attracted nationwide media attention, while leaders of the war resistance called for young men to turn in their draft cards.
The movement spread to the military itself; inthe "Fort Hood 3" gained acclaim among dissenters for their refusal to serve in Vietnam. Underground railroads funneled draft evaders to Canada or to Sweden; churches provided sanctuary for those attempting to avoid conscription.
Perhaps the most significant development of the period between and was the emergence of Civil Rights leaders as active proponents of peace in Vietnam.
Reverend King expanded on his views in April at the Riverside Church in New York, asserting that the war was draining much-needed resources from domestic programs. He also voiced concern about the percentage of African American casualties in relation to the total population.General Overviews.
While a detailed summary of the group-centered, “pluralist” tradition of political research lies beyond the scope of this article, pluralism’s critics have laid perhaps the richest theoretical foundations for how interest group politics enhance inequality in the United States.
Political Participation Essay Citizen participation is essential to democracy. It is difficult to imagine stable, ongoing democracy on a national scale without the citizens’ right to vote for their political leaders and to take part freely in politics in many other ways. The Internet and Civic Engagement; The Current State of Civic Engagement in America.
Introduction; Political Participation: Nearly two-thirds of all Americans have participated in some form of political activity in the past year. Ho Chi Minh, the enemy of the United States in the Vietnam War, was initially a friend.
He worked with U.S. special forces in rescuing downed American airmen and providing intelligence on Japanese movements during the last year of World War II. AP’s high school United States History course is a rigorous, college-level class that provides an opportunity to gain skills colleges recognize.
The United States Constitution is the supreme law of the United States.
|Higher education in the United States - Wikipedia||This great book should really be read by everyone. It is difficult to describe why it so great because it both teaches and inspires.|
|Political participation in the united states essay - g-essay||According to the National Student Clearinghouse, enrollment in was down about 2.|
|The Anti-War Movement in the United States||The War on Terror is a Fraud "In the mid-'80s, if you remember|
|A Note and a disclaimer.||It would appear that the proliferation of organized interests has not remedied inequalities, then, and scholars have begun to explore the possibility that interest groups may, at least in some cases, serve as conduits through which inequalities intensify. Critiques of the interest group system are numerous and diverse in scope.|
|Participating in Government [ashio-midori.com]||Participating in Government Citizens gather in massive groups as a way to show that they support a particular idea or agenda, in hopes that they will influence the political process. Marches, letter-writing campaigns, and political rallies like this one for Al Gore are all methods of participating in government.|
The Constitution, originally comprising seven articles, delineates the national frame of ashio-midori.com first three articles embody the doctrine of the separation of powers, whereby the federal government is divided into three branches: the legislative, consisting of the bicameral Congress; the executive, consisting of the.